To refuse the demand of the Prosecutor General about the cancellation of the Supreme Court’s decision of 08.16.05. and not to appeal the decision. I ask you, honorable Supreme judges, to take a just decision. History is looking at you in these moments.
Truly yours. E. V. Savenko (Limonov). October 5th 2005, Moscow.’
‘After me, the floor was given to Alexander Averin. Alexander confirmed our desire that the decision of the SC of August 16th remain in force; it is a just decision. After Averin the floor was given to a woman from the Department of Justice. Followed a lie, bleak as the woman herself. The chairman Lebedev declared a break. /…/
About an hour later we were invited. The journalists were also invited to enter. Lebedev read out a short decision. As it was to be expected, the presidium of the Supreme Court took the decision that the Prosecutor General demanded: return the case in appeal. History, really watching these Supreme judges has cursed above in the sky, I think. She found the cowardly old men in gowns disgusting…”
In conclusion we clearly see how the history of the NBP’s defeat (and the refusals to grant it the status of an all-Russian party, on the details of which I did not linger) illustrates the repressive behavior of all the “legal” institutions of the State. The justice ministry, the Prosecutor General and the Supreme Court. They all behave dishonestly and violate the laws by the hand of the law.
On its knees, the justice ministry serves Putin’s group. All decisions are taken dependently from the party’s affiliation to the Kremlin. For those parties that seem to be affiliated or made by the president’s administration no registration problems ever appear. Their documents are not examined; possibly they are not even leafed through. Nobody verifies their fake lists. Thus, there exists a Popular Party of Gudkov and Raykov; it has already taken part in some federal elections. It was registered as a party with 120 thousand members. At the same time it is known that the Popular Party does not hold mass meetings and marches, it is practically absent from the regions. I.e. it is a fake organization. But the justice ministry will not put in doubt the Popular Party because it is affiliated to the Kremlin. If it stops to be affiliated, an order will be given from above and it will be removed. There are several dozens of such parties, existing on paper, without a membership, in the registry of the Federal registration service.
The central electoral commission has fulfilled the functions of a filtration center even under Yeltsin. It was destroying undesirable parties and blocks, which managed to break through the filtration system of the justice ministry. I have watched the CEC in action; how it has dashingly dealt with undesirable presidential candidates before the 1996 elections. The methodic was simple: the CEC declared over 15% of the signatures collected for the advancement of a candidate invalid. Thus, Galina Starovoytova as well as other candidates who aspired to participate in the elections was knocked out before my eyes. The CEC was extremely malicious; those candidates who could have taken votes away from Yeltsin’s principal opponent Gennady Zyuganov were willingly registered and their signatures were not rejected.
In the last years the Central electoral committee and its head, the frantic Veshnyakov, started to formulate and advance limiting laws directed at the destruction of both politics and the principle of competition in politics through the State Duma. The last masterpieces of the CEC’s police art are the laws banning the creation of electoral party blocks, the law about the transfer to an exclusively proportional electoral system and the introduction of a 7% barrier to get into the State Duma. The CEC also serves Putin’s group on its knees. And Veshnyakov keeps inspiringly lying in raptures. This is why National-Bolsheviks have abundantly poured mayonnaise over him in August 2003, when he was presiding over a vile forum. At least he was punished in that way, this man who has many liberties taken away from Russia’s citizens on his conscience.
In Yeltsin’s RF the political field was controlled; however the concept of “affiliation” was interpreted more broadly under Yeltsin. Affiliated were Yabloko, SPS and smaller political organizations. And the Kremlin did not yet have the desire to tighten the circle of “affiliated” and have a complete control over politics. However when the new boss, VVP, came into the Kremlin he decided to have a total control over politics. The measures undertaken for this were increasingly squeezing the politics rabbit, crushing its bones. It was December 2003 when SPS and Yabloko were squeezed out of the State Duma. And in December 2004 the boa of the police State has completely swallowed the politics rabbit.
In my speech before the Supreme Court I have mentioned that the citizens consider that the Prosecutor General is not self-sufficient. I have just received a Romir Monitoring survey of 1600 people from a hundred cities and towns in the RF. Only 6% of the surveyed believe the honesty of the Prosecutor General, a little more trust the Supreme Court – 10%. Only 5% of Russians consider the government honest. And only 3% consider the Federation Council honest, while only 2% – the State Duma. What concerns the president, 30% of the surveyed still consider him honest. This book has for its aim to diminish the quantity of such idiots.
On November 15th 2005 the Supreme Court obediently confirmed the decision of Moscow’s district court about the “liquidation” of the NBP. The National-Bolshevik Party is banned.